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WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES - 5 -Chapter 3 Summary "A MEAN DEAL" Part-2 "Congress Refuses To Part With Power" by DR. BR Ambedkar
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WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES - 5 -Chapter 3 Summary "A MEAN DEAL" Part-2 "Congress Refuses To Part With Power" by DR. BR Ambedkar
WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES - by Dr. B R Ambedkar - Part 5
Chapter 3 Summary
A MEAN DEAL
Part-2 (Part 1 - https://mooknaayak.forumotion.com/t27-what-congress-and-gandhi-have-done-to-the-untouchables-4-chapter-3-summary-a-mean-deal-part-1-congress-refuses-to-part-with-power-by-dr-br-ambedkar)
Part 6 https://mooknaayak.forumotion.com/t31-what-congress-and-gandhi-have-done-to-the-untouchables-6-chapter-3-summary-a-mean-deal-part-3-congress-refuses-to-part-with-power-by-dr-br-ambedkar
Note: Untouchables by constitution of India are called as Schedule Castes (SC) and Schedule Tribes(ST).
To read complete Chapter or book or more literature of DR. BR Ambedkar click http://drambedkarbooks.wordpress.com/dr-b-r-ambedkar-books/
This forum is maintained by Cowdung Films
www.cowdungfilms.com
Editor: Nikhil Sablania
काँग्रेस और गाँधी ने अछूतों के लिए क्या किया? : लेखक: डा बी आर आंबेडकर : यह पुस्तक अवश्य पढने योग्य है. मात्र इस पुस्तक को पढने से न सिर्फ आप भारत की राजनीती को समझते हैं बल्कि यह पुस्तक आपके मस्तिक्षक को इतना विकसित कर देगी जिससे कि न सिर्फ आपको भारत में बदलती राजनीती को समझने में मदद मिलेगी बल्कि आप में यह सामर्थ्यता भी आएगी है कि आप खुद को देश कि राजनैतिक व्यवस्था में किस प्रकार दिशा देते हैं. बाबा साहेब जी द्वारा लिखी यह एक ऐतिहासिक और दुर्लभ राजनैतिक कृति है. - निखिल सबलाणिया
हिंदी में यह पुस्तक मंगवाने के लिए संपर्क करे :
निखिल सबलाणिया
Nikhil Sablania
9013306236, 011 23744243
sablanian@gmail.com
Chapter 3 Summary
A MEAN DEAL
Part-2 (Part 1 - https://mooknaayak.forumotion.com/t27-what-congress-and-gandhi-have-done-to-the-untouchables-4-chapter-3-summary-a-mean-deal-part-1-congress-refuses-to-part-with-power-by-dr-br-ambedkar)
Report made by the Minorities Committee to the Round Table Conference.
I give below a few extracts from that Report :—
"5. Claims were therefore advanced by various committees that arrangements should be made for communal representation and for fixed proportions of seats. It was also urged that the number of seats reserved for a minority community should in no case be less than its proportion in the population. The methods by which this could be secured were mainly three: (1) nomination, (2) electorates and (3) separate electorates.
"6. Nomination was unanimously deprecated.
"7. Joint electorates were proposed with the proviso that a proportion of seats should be reserved to the communities. Thus a more democratic form would be given to the elections whilst the purpose of the electorate system would be secured. Doubts were expressed that, whilst such a system of election might secure the representation of minorities, it provided no guarantee that the representation would be genuine, but that it might, in its working, mean the nomination or, in any event, the election of minority representatives by the majority communities.
It was pointed out that this was in fact only a form of community representation and had in practice all the objections to the more direct form of community electorates.
"8. The discussion made it evident that the demand which remained as the only one which would be generally acceptable was separate electorates. The general objection to this scheme has been subject to much previous discussion in India. It involves what is a very difficult problem for solution, viz., what should be the amount of communal representation in the various provinces and in the Centre ; that, if the whole, or practically the whole, of the seats in a legislature are to be assigned to communities, there will be no room for the growth of independent political opinion or of true political parties, and this problem received a serious complication by the demand of the representative of the Depressed Classes that they should be deducted from the Hindu population and be regarded, for electoral purposes, as a separate community.
"9. It was suggested that, in order to meet the most obvious objection to the ear-marking of seats to communities, only a proportion should be so assigned—say 80 per cent. or 90 per cent.—and that the rest should be filled by open election. This, however, was not regarded by some of the communities as giving them the guarantees they required.
" 10. The scheme proposed by Maulana Muhammad Ali, a member of the Sub-Committee, whose death we deplore, that, as far as possible no communal candidate should be elected unless he secured at least 40 per cent. according to arrangement, of the votes of the other community, was also considered. It was, however, pointed out that such a scheme necessarily involved the maintenance of communal registers and so was open to objections similar to those urged against separate electorates.
" 11. No claim for separate electorate or for the reservation of seats in joint electorates was made on behalf of women who should continue to be eligible for election on the same footing as men. But, in order to familiarise the public mind with the idea of women taking an active part in political life and to secure their interim representation on the legislature, it was urged that 5 per cent. of the seats in the first three Councils should be reserved for women and it was suggested that they should be filled by co-option by the elected members voting by proportional representation.
"12. There was general agreement with the recommendation of Sub-Committee No. II (Provincial Constitution) that the representation on the Provincial Executive of important minority communities was a matter of the greatest practical importance for the successful working of the new constitution, and it was also agreed that, on the same grounds, Mohammedans should be represented on the Federal Executive. On behalf of the smaller minorities a claim was put forward for their representation, either individually or collectively, on the Provincial and Federal Executives or that, if this should be found impossible, in each Cabinet there should be a Minister specially charged with the duty of protecting minority interests.
(Dr. Ambedkar and Sardar Ujjal Singh would add the words " and other important minorities" after the word Mohammedans in line 6).
The difficulty of working jointly responsible Executives under such a scheme as this was pointed out.
"13. As regards the administration, it was agreed that recruitment to both Provincial and Central Services should be entrusted to Public Service Commissions, with instructions to reconcile the claims of the various communities to fair and adequate representation in the Public Services, whilst providing for the maintenance of a proper standard of efficiency.
I give below a few extracts from that Report :—
"5. Claims were therefore advanced by various committees that arrangements should be made for communal representation and for fixed proportions of seats. It was also urged that the number of seats reserved for a minority community should in no case be less than its proportion in the population. The methods by which this could be secured were mainly three: (1) nomination, (2) electorates and (3) separate electorates.
"6. Nomination was unanimously deprecated.
"7. Joint electorates were proposed with the proviso that a proportion of seats should be reserved to the communities. Thus a more democratic form would be given to the elections whilst the purpose of the electorate system would be secured. Doubts were expressed that, whilst such a system of election might secure the representation of minorities, it provided no guarantee that the representation would be genuine, but that it might, in its working, mean the nomination or, in any event, the election of minority representatives by the majority communities.
It was pointed out that this was in fact only a form of community representation and had in practice all the objections to the more direct form of community electorates.
"8. The discussion made it evident that the demand which remained as the only one which would be generally acceptable was separate electorates. The general objection to this scheme has been subject to much previous discussion in India. It involves what is a very difficult problem for solution, viz., what should be the amount of communal representation in the various provinces and in the Centre ; that, if the whole, or practically the whole, of the seats in a legislature are to be assigned to communities, there will be no room for the growth of independent political opinion or of true political parties, and this problem received a serious complication by the demand of the representative of the Depressed Classes that they should be deducted from the Hindu population and be regarded, for electoral purposes, as a separate community.
"9. It was suggested that, in order to meet the most obvious objection to the ear-marking of seats to communities, only a proportion should be so assigned—say 80 per cent. or 90 per cent.—and that the rest should be filled by open election. This, however, was not regarded by some of the communities as giving them the guarantees they required.
" 10. The scheme proposed by Maulana Muhammad Ali, a member of the Sub-Committee, whose death we deplore, that, as far as possible no communal candidate should be elected unless he secured at least 40 per cent. according to arrangement, of the votes of the other community, was also considered. It was, however, pointed out that such a scheme necessarily involved the maintenance of communal registers and so was open to objections similar to those urged against separate electorates.
" 11. No claim for separate electorate or for the reservation of seats in joint electorates was made on behalf of women who should continue to be eligible for election on the same footing as men. But, in order to familiarise the public mind with the idea of women taking an active part in political life and to secure their interim representation on the legislature, it was urged that 5 per cent. of the seats in the first three Councils should be reserved for women and it was suggested that they should be filled by co-option by the elected members voting by proportional representation.
"12. There was general agreement with the recommendation of Sub-Committee No. II (Provincial Constitution) that the representation on the Provincial Executive of important minority communities was a matter of the greatest practical importance for the successful working of the new constitution, and it was also agreed that, on the same grounds, Mohammedans should be represented on the Federal Executive. On behalf of the smaller minorities a claim was put forward for their representation, either individually or collectively, on the Provincial and Federal Executives or that, if this should be found impossible, in each Cabinet there should be a Minister specially charged with the duty of protecting minority interests.
(Dr. Ambedkar and Sardar Ujjal Singh would add the words " and other important minorities" after the word Mohammedans in line 6).
The difficulty of working jointly responsible Executives under such a scheme as this was pointed out.
"13. As regards the administration, it was agreed that recruitment to both Provincial and Central Services should be entrusted to Public Service Commissions, with instructions to reconcile the claims of the various communities to fair and adequate representation in the Public Services, whilst providing for the maintenance of a proper standard of efficiency.
Part 6 https://mooknaayak.forumotion.com/t31-what-congress-and-gandhi-have-done-to-the-untouchables-6-chapter-3-summary-a-mean-deal-part-3-congress-refuses-to-part-with-power-by-dr-br-ambedkar
Note: Untouchables by constitution of India are called as Schedule Castes (SC) and Schedule Tribes(ST).
To read complete Chapter or book or more literature of DR. BR Ambedkar click http://drambedkarbooks.wordpress.com/dr-b-r-ambedkar-books/
This forum is maintained by Cowdung Films
www.cowdungfilms.com
Editor: Nikhil Sablania
काँग्रेस और गाँधी ने अछूतों के लिए क्या किया? : लेखक: डा बी आर आंबेडकर : यह पुस्तक अवश्य पढने योग्य है. मात्र इस पुस्तक को पढने से न सिर्फ आप भारत की राजनीती को समझते हैं बल्कि यह पुस्तक आपके मस्तिक्षक को इतना विकसित कर देगी जिससे कि न सिर्फ आपको भारत में बदलती राजनीती को समझने में मदद मिलेगी बल्कि आप में यह सामर्थ्यता भी आएगी है कि आप खुद को देश कि राजनैतिक व्यवस्था में किस प्रकार दिशा देते हैं. बाबा साहेब जी द्वारा लिखी यह एक ऐतिहासिक और दुर्लभ राजनैतिक कृति है. - निखिल सबलाणिया
हिंदी में यह पुस्तक मंगवाने के लिए संपर्क करे :
निखिल सबलाणिया
Nikhil Sablania
9013306236, 011 23744243
sablanian@gmail.com
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» WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES-9- Chapter 3 Summary "A MEAN DEAL" Part-6 "Congress Refuses To Part With Power" by DR. BR Ambedkar
» WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES - 4 -Chapter 3 Summary "A MEAN DEAL" Part-1 "Congress Refuses To Part With Power" by DR. BR Ambedkar
» WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES - 6 - Chapter 3 Summary "A MEAN DEAL" Part-3 "Congress Refuses To Part With Power" by DR. BR Ambedkar
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» WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES - 8 - Chapter 3 Summary "A MEAN DEAL" Part-5 "Congress Refuses To Part With Power" by DR. BR Ambedkar
» WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES - 4 -Chapter 3 Summary "A MEAN DEAL" Part-1 "Congress Refuses To Part With Power" by DR. BR Ambedkar
» WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES - 6 - Chapter 3 Summary "A MEAN DEAL" Part-3 "Congress Refuses To Part With Power" by DR. BR Ambedkar
» WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES - 7 - Chapter 3 Summary "A MEAN DEAL" Part-4 "Congress Refuses To Part With Power" by DR. BR Ambedkar
» WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES - 8 - Chapter 3 Summary "A MEAN DEAL" Part-5 "Congress Refuses To Part With Power" by DR. BR Ambedkar
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